Volume 24, Issue 104 , February 2019, , Pages 119-156
Abstract
The noticeable evolutions and changes, in Uzbekistan’s foreign policy particularly towards Tajikistan that occurred after the sudden death of Islam Karimov on September 2016, ...
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The noticeable evolutions and changes, in Uzbekistan’s foreign policy particularly towards Tajikistan that occurred after the sudden death of Islam Karimov on September 2016, arouses the following questions: a) What are the causes for détente and de-securitization in Tajikistan-Uzbekistan relations? b) What ramifications does the mentioned issue bring along?In order to answer the mentioned questions, the author argues that the change in Uzbekistan’s leadership and Mirziyoyev’s effort for domestic growth and development, developing and extending energy pipelines and corridors in the region, besides leaving Karimov’scult of personality have all led to transforming Uzbekistan’s foreign policy and strengthening regional cooperation with the participation of five Central Asian states.In order to assess the literature’s hypothesis, the author addresses Tajikistan and Uzbekistan’s relations in two specific eras of securitization (1991-2016) and de-securitization (since September 2016), based on descriptive-analytical method and applying theoretical concepts and factors of (de)securitization within the Copenhagen School of security.During the first decade that encompasses a long period of Karimov’s leadership in Uzbekistan (1991-2016), many social (ethnicity, language and culture) and economic (water resources and environment) issues between the both nations were deviated from their natural and normal direction and became politicized and securitized. However, during the letter era, Uzbekistan was experiencing an evolution that was derived of two main reasons; a) a change of elites and actors in Uzbekistan,particularly Karimov and Inoyatov; b) Mirziyoyev’s taking the power. The mentioned factors changed Uzbekistan’s dominant discourse towards Tajikistan. This discourse change led to a better cooperation among the five Central Asian states in diverse areas without an involvement of external powers especially the Russian Federation and China.
The Russian Federation has been among the most significant actors in Central Asia during the past two and a half decades – what some have termed as a “New Great Game” ...
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The Russian Federation has been among the most significant actors in Central Asia during the past two and a half decades – what some have termed as a “New Great Game” in the area. In the fast evolving post-Cold War environment, Moscow has been very active in both bilateral and multilateral (CIS, CSTO, SCO, and EEU) arenas. The crux of the Russian activism has been geared to preserve the status quo to the extent possible, keep the newly independent republics under Moscow's foreign and defense policies, revive and strengthen the previous hegemonic status, and finally, confront the objectives and strategies of rival powers in Central Asia, most notably North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), European Union (EU) and the United States. The Russian foreign policy, while pursuing these overarching objectives, has been impacted – to varying degrees – by developments in the post-Soviet transitional society at home as well as by regional and international developments. The present article looks into the dynamism – and transformation - of the Russian foreign policy towards Central Asia through the analysis of major discourses in the Russian external strategy since 1991.
